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Visegrad and Austria – Comprehensive Relations

erschienen in der Publikation "Visegrad Countries in an Enlarged Trans-Atlantic Community" (ISBN: ISBN 80−88935−38−5) - 2002

Vollständiger Beitrag als PDF:  PDF ansehen PDF downloaden  222 Seiten (1.72 MB)
Schlagworte zu diesem Beitrag:  Europa, NATO, Verteidigungspolitik

Abstract:

The preceding chapters have attempted to go deeper and define the unique region of Central Europe that was not so long ago in the perception of the West just a part of a gray buffer zone somewhere between Germany and the Evil Empire. Symbolically, all countries emerging from the unnatural and too long a division of a continent, the Visegrad states among them, declared that they wanted to re−join the West. Now their wish is coming true and they are going to have to make some hard decisions once inside the Euro−Atlantic structures. Hard political and economic interests, identity, and perhaps history, are going to determine how they will fare and behave within the EU’s institutions, whether they will be likely to cooperate as a group, what position and “worldview” they are likely to adopt, as well as what tools and approaches they are likely to support in the area of economics, foreign policy, and secu− rity. The questions that the future will find answers to are as follows: Who will be their allies within EU? How can they contribute to the complex on− going processes underway in a rapidly changing world? Are they ready not just to take a back seat, but rather to initiate discussion on issues of inter− est to them? Will the framework for decision−making allow them to have their voice heard and allow them to pursue their nation−specific interests? – These are some of the questions the authors have asked, what is more, attempted to answer. They have offered scenarios of a complex work underway that will forever change the European continent and have an impact on Trans−Atlan− tic relations. What kind of change this is going to be is left to the actors in− volved. Before they join, however, the countries of Visegrad, as well as other soon−to−be EU members should know what kind of an EU they want to enter, and if their ideals are not met immediately after accession, to be prepared to affect change from within. I would like to express my gratitude to all the Authors, my colleagues at the Institute for Public Affairs and former employees who have initiated and contributed to this project, especially: Martin Bruncko, Oľga Gyárfášová; for help with language editing, Ben Novak; for helpful comments, Jozef Majchrák; and technical assistance, Marián Velšic. Marek Šťastný

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